APC: Fresh calls for resolution of crises in states

Six years after the All Progressives Congress (APC) came into existence as a political party; it has not been an easy ride for the party. Although it has been able to capture power on two occasions, it has gone from one crisis to the other. In this report, Tony Akowe examines the crisis that has threatened the very foundation of the governing party

SIX years in the life of the All Progressives Congress as a political party, it is still evident that the body is yet to properly constitute itself into a strong political party with one common agenda. The party, which came together from three different bodies, has held on to their different ideologies, thereby making it extremely difficult to have a closely knitted political party. Until and unless the various groups within the party harmonise their differences and learn to put party interest first, the future of the party may remain bleak. There are those who believe that it is President Muhammadu Buhari and his political leadership that is holding the party together and that once he leaves office, the party may be doomed. Party members across the country tend to confirm this position from their actions and inaction before, during and after the last general election.

For the avoidance of doubt, it must be said that the crisis rocking the party across the country right now dates back to the formation of the party. Even though there was a decision that the three legacy parties collectively choose their leaders at the various levels, the harmonisation was only properly done at the national level. Some people have argued that the parties came together without a proper agenda on how to forge ahead. They had the sole aim of edging the PDP out of power, but did not know what to do with the power. Those who belong to this school of thought believe that if the APC had a proper plan of what to do with power, they will not be making the same mistake the PDP made in the 16 years they were in power prior to 2015.

Signs of what to expect at the general election emerged earlier in 2018 when some leaders of the party decided on a tenure elongation for the executives of the party at all levels. Even though the then John Oyegun-led leadership had been accused variously of inaction, state chairmen and secretaries of the party decided to back a tenure elongation that was being put forward by several governors who wanted a rubber stamped executive that could pave the way for them and their anointed candidates for the election. The excuse of the proponents of tenure elongation was that changing the leadership of the party so close to the general election could have a negative effect as crisis may arise that could rob the party of electoral victory. They were taken aback when President Muhammadu Buhari turned his back on the proposal and everybody immediately fell into line, but kept their game plan close to their chest. In states where the party had sitting governors, it was obvious that they were going to do everything possible to have their way while other stakeholders will have to battle hard to have their way. In states where the party had no governors, it was also obvious that it was going to be a straight battle between the ministers from such states and other stakeholders. This was the scenerio in which the party began its ward, local government and state congresses which threw up parallel leadership in about 22 states of the federation. In some cases, congresses were either not held in some places, held twice on the directive of the National Working Committee or two different congresses took place on the same day. This was the scenerio in places like Cross Rivers, Imo, Enugu, Kaduna, Zamfara, Kogi and many others. Only a few of the states had congresses that were not contested by stakeholders. Members began to file cases in court as the party failed to deal with issues arising from the congresses. In some states, the then Oyegun-led leadership dissolved the elected leadership and put in place caretakers while others were left to their fate. Credit must however be given to the party leadership that stamped their feet, accepting only the leadership thrown up by the congress committee set up by the leadership.

In Imo State, the party failed to deal with the issue as the state went into the National Convention in Abuja with the then governor, Owelle Rochas Okorocha, leading one faction, while the then National Orgainsing Secretary, Senator Osita Izunaso was leading the other faction.

Immediately it came into office, the Oshiomhole-led National Working Committee, which now include Emma Ibediro, Okorocha’s candidate for the job on board, dissolved the state executive put in place by the Oyegun-led leadership and put in place a caretaker committee made up of Governor Okorocha’s men. The party also did the same thing in Ogun and Cross River states. So, when the National Executive Committee of the party asked states to adopt their own mode of primary from the list of the three methods recognised by the constitution, many knew there was trouble in the air. The first state to take a position was Ogun, led by ex-governor Ibikune Amosun.

Similarly, it has consistently become obvious that the legacy parties that gave birth to the APC were yet to discard their ideologies. The three main blocks have continued to hold on fast to their divisions. The inability of the leadership of the party to resolve the differences brought about by these parties have also largely contributed to the crisis that has continued to rock the party. After the merger of the parties and the agreement to involve all stakeholders in the leadership of the party in the various states, many of them failed to fully integrate into the leadership. In Kaduna for example, the leadership of the other parties outside the CPC were never fully integrated into the leadership, leading to the emergence of the Akida APC early in the life of the government. Rather than have the PDP to contend with in the state, the party was at war with itself, leading to the exit of many stakeholders as the general election approaches. Even though the party won the elections, it has infighting within the PDP and the Buhari mentality to thank for its victory in the election. The differences among major actors within the party in several states and the quest for power at all cost by these interest groups cannot be over emphasised. Rather than put the party first, various actors, some of whom were holding power within the government, contributed to the defeat the party suffered in some states where they could ordinarily have made some inroad. In Adamawa State for example, the likes of wife of the President, Aisha Buhari, former EFCC Chairman, Nuhu Ribadu, former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Babachir Lawal and former Lagos State Governor, Buba Marwa, fought the state governor, Jibrilla Bindow to a standstill until the party lost the state. These big wigs of the party in Adamawa State failed to utilise the advantage given them by the national leadership of the party to get the party governorship ticket from Governor Bindow. While the state chapter of the party, in line with the NEC decision, decided to hold indirect primary, the Aisha Buhari group kicked and the party over ruled them, giving them the direct primary option which the Bindow group accepted without complain. The National Working Committee also suspended the state leadership of the party, preventing them from supervising the primaries based on the allegations that they were working for the governor. In spite of the obvious advantage given to them by the party leadership, they failed to collect the ticket from the governor and also failed to join the party in the campaign. Majority of the party candidates of the party in the state lost their election because the group working against the governor also worked against all its candidates who emerged from the direct primary conducted by the party. Interestingly, this group that worked against the party, in the name of not wanting Bindow, never challenged the process that threw him up as the party candidate.

The loss of the election in Imo State to the rival PDP could also be traced to the desperation for power and to perpetuate individuals in power. While many would want to blame the National Chairman of the party, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole for the loss of the state, it is on record that Oshiomhole condemned the primary election conducted by Ahmed Gulak that threw up Senator Hope Uzodinma, describing it as a fraud and sent another panel to Owerri to conduct another primary election which threw up Nwosu, Okorocha’s Chief of Staff as candidate. But Uzodinma was smart. He went to court and obtained an injunction compelling the party to recognise him as the party’s governorship candidate and they had no choice than to obey the order of court. Instead of challenging the order in court, Okorocha and his team decided to take on the leadership of the party in a battle. Till date, the order of court recognising Uzodinma as APC governorship candidate has remained unchallenged. A senior member of the APC national leadership told The Nation that the party was left with either giving Hope Uzodinma the governorship ticket or handing it over to Okorocha; according to him, many people in the state were against the former governor staging a comeback to governance through the back door, stressing that the agitation against him was loud enough. He said further that Senator Uzodinma also appeared as the most strategically positioned and made his moves carefully. He said “don’t forget that the Chairman dismissed the first primary that was conducted by Ahmed Gulak. But he had no choice than to go back to that primary. Also don’t forget that Senator Uzodinma rushed to court to obtain an injunction against the party conducting another primary. As we speak, that injunction has not been challenged in court and has not been vacated. So, blaming the chairman for the party’s loss in Imo is to be economical with the truth.”

The desperation for power and lack of respect for party supremacy cost the party dearly in Zamfara State, leading to the party losing everything it worked for in the general election. Although party leaders have consistently said the Supreme Court gave the PDP what they did not work for and what they were not party to, it is evident that the Zamfara scenario is a big lesson on how not to be too strong headed over things that has legal implication. Former Governor Yari wanted to hold on to power and remain relevant in the scheme of things in the state. He wanted to choose the governorship candidate and all candidates for all other positions. The party leadership refused him the chance to do that and he refused to allow the primaries to take place in the state. Right from the days of party congresses, the party had divided into two parts, with the former governor and his loyalist holding on to one part while others opposed to the governor held on to the other. They went to court to challenge the emergence of the state executive and it was this same executive that Yari gathered at the Government House to produce a list of aspirants which the party first rejected and later held on as a consensus list. Yari refused the team sent by the national secretariat, like it did to other states to conduct the party primary.

Interestingly, those who belonged to the Yari camp and failed to call him to order have turned round to blame the national leadership for the loss of the state. Former governor of the state, Senator Ahmed Sani Yerima, blamed the entire Zamfara debacle on lack of respect for the rule of law.

From Oyo to Cross River, stakeholders within the party claimed to be working for the president, while campaigning against the candidates of the party at other levels. They failed to distinguish between anti-party activities and party interest and this cost the part some of the seats it had everything to win. Interestingly, these party leaders have also failed to realise the folly in their action and still beat their chest today as having worked for the success of the APC during the election. A typical example is the case in Oyo State where the minister representing the state openly told the world that he will never work for the party governorship candidate and even after they lost the state, he has never shown any sign of remorse.

The current situation in Edo State is not much different as it may affect the fortune of the party in the state if not properly handled. In the cases stated above, his critics said President Muhammadu Buhari, who is the leader of the party, never showed willingness to call the warring parties to order. This they justified with Mr. President’s speeches in Imo and Ogun states where he told voters to vote for any candidate of their choice instead of calling on voters to vote for his party’s candidate.

They also complain that he also had the opportunity to call the warring parties in Zamfara to order, but he did not until things got out of hand. Now, there is a major crisis within the party in Edo State, the home state of the party’s National Chairman and despite appeals from traditional rulers and other stakeholders in the state and beyond, the President has failed to call the warring parties to order. The situation in Edo State calls for concern as even the intervention of the revered Oba of Benin has failed to resolve the issue. Right now, it is evident that the intervention of the National Assembly may not help the situation. Therefore, only a presidential intervention will put an end to the crisis. A stich in time they said saves nine. The Edo governorship election may still be further away, but the earlier the crisis is resolved, the better it will be for the party. The long silence of Comrade Adams Oshiomhole is also not helping the crisis. Oshiomhole must speak out now and douse the rising tension and allegations that he is trying to bring back godfatherism which he claimed